Sergi Text Rosés Cordovilla
The MIL group is virtually unknown outside of Catalonia. When is evoked, it is always in simplistic terms and surrounded by myth. This myth, which has been created in spite of both the left and the official historiography and journalism, is fed by the armed actions of the group and especially the murder of one of its members, Salvador Puig Antich, by the bourgeois state in March 1974 by garrotte. But this myth hides, of course, what is more interesting MIL: the motivations of their actions, their contributions to the class struggle in Barcelona in the early 70's, his political discourse. This article is not intended to be more than an overview of its theory and practice, with the hope of helping to rescue from oblivion so MIL and its caricature. Try
recover the true story of what was the Iberian Liberation Movement Autonomous Combat-Groups (MIL-GAC), is much more than making a detailed account of his acts of expropriation and detention, process and assassination of Salvador Puig Antich. Is to show why and how they formed this group, which advocated political proposal and offered a revolutionary alternative. In so doing, we discover that the MIL was not an anarchist or terrorist group armed struggle, Catalan or not, with a martyr recovered by the system, but a group with a proposal clearly differentiated from the anti-Franco opposition, completely original in the landscape English at the time, with strong theoretical roots in current Marxist Leninist revolutionary matrix and regarded himself as no other political group of the extreme left, but as a support group labor movement of the moment. In this way, talk about the MIL-GAC required to speak, especially, its political itinerary: only thus can we discover what lay behind this group of revolutionaries who have gone from being considered during the Franco regime as "gangsters", to become then simply "crazy utopian" or, in the best cases, anti-Franco fighters. To do this, we need to begin dismantling the myths.
These myths began to be produced soon, since the subject of the MIL has been interested from the fierce repression that hit in September 1973 on its components, so that today we have a considerable dossier of publications have addressed. Unfortunately, the vast majority of falsifying doubly so: first, MIL deal not a priority but one of its individual components, Puig Antich, second, because the approach to these studies have focused primarily on the most apolitical of topic, looking for the most sensitive (or more morbid) of the question. As a result, we now know a lot about the last twelve hours of Salvador Puig Antich, something about the expropriations of the MIL, and almost nothing about self-organization of the class and support groups.
Yes we have made serious efforts to shed light on the topic by focusing only on the papers, books Telesforo Tajuelo [2] (the first historian to analyze seriously the issue) of "Charlotte Toulouse [3], Antonio Téllez [4], an anthology of texts MIL by various groups libertarians Barcelona [5], and another anthology prepared by "André Cortade [6] (unfortunately not published in Spain) are the most interesting realizations. But even in these cases, was hit by serious errors of interpretation and, despite the willingness of the authors, this amalgam has formed an official history that has contributed also to the perpetuation some of the myths surrounding the MIL. To make the story of the frame to MIL takes this group in the context not simply of Spain in the late francoism, but specifically in the labor movement in the Barcelona area and within a process of theoretical clarification, political and organizational it. The group was no more or less exotic invention of a group of young, as their origins are closely linked with the appearance in Barcelona in late 60, a labor movement that is breaking left organizations and starting a march to the configuration of worker autonomy by trend emerged in the Workers' Commissions [7] named CC.OO. Platforms Summarizing
much the whole process can be considered 1970 as the key year in the route leading to the establishment of the MIL, which is "officially" in January 1971. The group is created primarily to Oriol Solé Sugranyes instances, this revolutionary, ex-member of PSUC [8] and after PCE (i) [9], broke with Stalinism and evolves into the worker's autonomy to contact platforms. Exiled in Toulouse, get two groups of people together around a project involving the creation of task forces that support the struggles of the working class: on the one hand, young Toulouse from libertarian circles and willing to take action (including Jean-Marc Rouillan), and the other in Barcelona, \u200b\u200bpeers from a heterodox Marxist group, Communist Action. This second core is formed by one of the brothers Sugranyes Oriol Solé, Ignasi, and Santi Soler Amigo, seriously seeking a solution to the morass of small groups that exist at the time and they see the beginning of a new labor movement in the CC Platforms . OO. and the subsequent debate in favor of the constitution of the "Class Organization", a single organization that exceeds the traditional framework of political parties and trade unions. Seeking to influence in this debate, made the first great text of what might be called "pre-MIL", entitled The labor movement in Barcelona. All these people will be added shortly after peers.
This new group is not intended to be the vanguard of the revolution or the germ of any party, and is aware that these are elements "outside" the class, so do not want to direct but to be a "support", because they think the class itself is what you have to organize themselves, without waiting for anyone to tell from the outside. This is a new concept within the panorama of the Left in Spain, which formally broke with the Leninist model of the entire the Marxist left. This new concept is directly linked to the Marxist revolutionary way since the 20 were opposed to the Third International and to be transformed into the current advice; it will also be added the influence of Bordigist and situatedness. Undeniably, MIL theoretical inspirations are here, and not anarchism, as much has been repeated and will continue to repeat. And in this theoretical evolution of the group, in which the key character is Santi Soler, another factor appears important yet most ignored in the history of this experience. This is the role of clarification and theoretical orientation were compared to MIL members of the informal group that met in the bookshop La Vieille Taupe, Paris. This library was not only the most important source from where the theoretical texts that influenced the MIL, but its members, especially Pierre Guillaume and especially Jean Barrot will become the main interlocutors with whom to discuss theoretical issues. Barrot will establish a remarkable relationship with Santi Soler and will be a constant influence on theoretical issues, even playing a role during the group's dissolution in 1973.
MIL intervention to "support" the struggles of the labor movement will basically two parallel projects. The first project is armed action-theorized as "armed agitation," as opposed to the "armed struggle" - which has three meanings: 1) fighting against repression [10], 2) self-financed and, if can finance the class struggle, and finally, 3) show the labor movement that the level of violence that can be exerted against the bourgeois state is larger than what is perceived subjectively by workers. The decision to use violence is no more or less illuminated vagary of this group, but is framed around a discussion of labor violence that occurred in these years in all independent labor movement and bearing, for example, the formation of a working group of self-defense. The second project is the mass dissemination of revolutionary literature basically anti-capitalist Marxist-on project called "social libraries" and make body finally to the creation of a later edition in 1973, significantly called "Issues in May 1937 [11] , claiming the last insurrection proletarian revolutionary closed cycle from 1917 to 1937. The MIL was aware that these two projects had to be attached to independent labor movement, so it was necessary to establish strong ties with Platforms. It then made a serious study of political theory underlying the critique of Leninism and make dissemination of heterodox Marxism, entitled Revolution to the end, it was the most important theoretical text that was written MIL basically because I had to serve to clarify positions and assist in the political debate with members of platforms. But ultimately this attempt discussion with the management of these platforms failed and labor leaders created the Autonomous Workers Groups (GOA). However, part of the base platform if you continued this relationship and finally got a real participation of workers in the Library project and its distribution, which will be circulated thousands of copies of these leaflets, while the MIL will help in infrastructure and in the printing of materials for these groups of workers, such as in the case of Newsletter Bultaco workers [12] or in the donation of various printing machinery.
By the second half of 1972, the MIL decides to move seriously into action, signing his actions as MIL-GAC (Iberian Liberation Movement Autonomous Combat-Groups) [13]. Although Oriol Solé is currently in jail in France, the group grows (falls into this period, among others, Puig Antich) and armed action, basically bank robberies and "recovery of material" (media, documentation ...) - are triggered, enabling the strengthening of infrastructure as well as contacts with other groups in various locations and the nearest way to the establishment editions, once stolen a printing plant in Toulouse, an operation that was needed to do twice. But the contradictions and tensions that have accumulated over this period of intense military action led to a crisis among members of the two projects, mainly around Rouillan one hand and Santi Soler on the other, for the spring of 1973. This crisis also meant expulsion from the group Ignasi Solé, while the role of Puig Antich grew to get save the unity of the group at this time. But despite this commitment, the crisis dragged into the summer, when it was decided to make a conference to coincide with the release of Oriol Solé from prison, and agreed to dissolve the MIL to facilitate the separate actions armed agitation and issues. This decision was, in fact, no rethinking of the policy which had led the MIL until then, but simply the separation of the two projects to work better, no longer unified in a same group called MIL. What happened, however, is that a month after adoption of this decision repression struck the group, the majority going to jail and preventing continue what had been decided at the congress of dissolution.
This is the historical summary of the experience of the MIL, in which what stands out are the media aspects, which are those that have been assessed in most studies, mostly articles, on the subject, but the political aspects . And this is because what actually characterizes the MIL-GAC, which sets it apart from the political left and turn it into something original, is his political thinking.
Other groups, from nationalism to anarchism through Stalinism and on time by some group claiming to be Trotskyist, had engaged in armed action, either to direct the armed insurrection, attempting to create a guerrilla war, campaign of sabotage against the regime or expropriation only point to get money or material. The phenomenon was not unique to Spain or historical moment: the English anarchists in the 20's, the Bolsheviks in the early twentieth century, almost every revolutionary movement had made use of violent armed at some point, as a means of survival or tactical needs. Thus, it is only the theory of this group which really comes as new in Spain. On the organizational side, never in this country had been no organization to the left of the Trotskyist tradition, which connects with the Revolutionary Worker Development directed by Munis. In theory, apart from a few articles, the only book of Pannekoek appeared until then in Spain was a small pamphlet published by the POUM in 1937, Otto Rühle only been released so far his writings on pedagogy and on the crisis, the most accessible of Gorter had been published in Mexico in 1971, and Karl Korsch, Paul Mattick would have their first English editions from 1973 to 1975. And in this scenario totally ignorant of the whole left communist tradition of Trotskyism is a group that reaches the discovery that the way of revolutionary communism does not end with the traditions of the Third International and endorses many of the concepts councilists of the revolution, mainly in the rejection of the Leninist vanguard party and trade unions in opposition to capital, both private and state considered, and the preparation of the socialist revolution through self-organization and workers' councils, While it is true that this "advice" has its own characteristics.
are two main factors that differentiate the Council "classic." First, is a board sifted through the influence of Jean Barrot and in general participants in La Vieille Taupe, although this influence does not mean complete agreement. It is through discussions with the Paris core is abandoned old ideas and to discover other historical experiences of the revolutionary workers' movement. There are also differences, notably on the issue and organizational armed. On this last point, the MIL will reject the role that the core of Paris still gives the revolutionary party and will, beyond of "Class Organization" proposed by the independent movement in Barcelona organized CC.OO. platforms, to proclaim that the task of "organization is the organization of work", ie to be against organizations structured and advocate for affinity groups. There is therefore a constant thread in the history of MIL leading the criticism of "small groups" made in 1969 in the labor movement in Barcelona until the rejection of a structured organization in 1973, a fact that helps to understand why the dissolution.
The second distinguishing factor of this Council is doing reference to revolutionary practice with the use of violence. The use of this component will be further from the traditional practice of councilists groups, since no group has claimed the council has been involved in armed actions, and only some isolated individual relationships with these groups, as Marinus van der Lubbe, has used it. Theoretically, the MIL-GAC seeks a balance between rejecting the "armed struggle" (as practiced at the same time the RAF or the BR, for example) and the actual practice of armed violence, then theorizing about "agitation armed", ie the need to increase actions by different "support groups" (including the MIL-GAC would only be one of more) to the struggles of the working class, and also serve to show the struggles, they played that went from defensive to offensive, could become in the revolutionary insurrection. But the actual practice of expropriation will pervert this concept, because the robberies will go becoming primarily a source of funding for other activities (mainly editorial), a source of survival, to finish generating its own theoretical justification within a sector group on the basis that it was necessary "to unite theory and practice." Is this time when some people, both within the group as related nuclei, will sound the alarm and begin an attempt to shift that failed, simply leave the path of self-dissolution. But factor in reaching this decision was the blatant contradiction between what was initiated in 1969, essentially rejecting the grupusculización, and what was actually the MIL-GAC in 1973, a group of professional revolutionaries specialized. MIL always existed in the two lines have already been mentioned, which are defined only by the theory, have two different conceptions of revolutionary action and how organized to carry it out. For a time he got the living, but this was shattered when armed factor took precedence in the life of the group. Understanding of the sector responsible for the issues of existence and continuation of this contradiction, and the armed sector interest to make use of full autonomy over all their actions, converged on the same solution: the self-dissolution, accepted much opposition or drama. In fact, the reason was self-dissolution or personal differences, although they may exist, or by the Marxist-anarchist dichotomy, as the group theory as such has always been a Marxist. The last reason was the organizational, because with or without self-dissolution, the practice of each sector would remain essentially the same: the word or act, but well done under some common acronyms or organizational unrelated. MIL members not called into question his views and past practice, but how to organize to perform [14].
However, it is also true that any self-winding means a failure. In the case of MIL-GAC, the failure is twofold: not only the team could not overcome their contradictions and had to go, but the route opened in 1969 with the rejection of modernism and the discovery of communism the advice was not followed. The repression that began in September 1973 then broke off all possibility of a differential councilist political Leninism and anarchism. Only a year and a half later many of these people, not just the MIL-GAC but also of the GOA and other platforms, eventually even collaborating in the process leading to the reestablishment of the CNT, that is another option politics, but by 1979 most will be gone or have been expelled from the anarcho-syndicalist organization. For their part, members of the armed sector continued to escape armed activity in different groups involved finally in the formation of Action directe: to this day continues Jean-Marc Rouillan prisoner for life in February 1987 in French prisons for activities connected with this group, like others of his colleagues [15].
In this failure, undoubtedly the most important factor was the inability to fully carry out his policy proposal, so the MIL-GAC was certainly marginal. His undeniable contacts with the labor movement, which explains its origin and development, are too weak at the time of growth, as the final link with Platforms items ahead of a stable joint is achieved in 1972, ie a when they begin to decline, so that the large magma autonomous 1969-1970 is much smaller in 1972-1973. In addition, the MIL-GAC could not have a serious editorial apparatus until shortly before his fall, and brochures Editions in May 1937 will see the light when most of the components of the MIL-GAC are in jail and the rest in exile as well as one dead, precluding recovery tannto policy diffusion. 
His proposal was well left alone in an underground where the prevailing models, because of the underground, were those who had been held since the war. On the one hand, a dominant model, formally Marxist-Leninist, and the other the role of opposition to it, subject to a resurgent anarcho-syndicalist movement. Without the possibility of working through the issues, the proposal for self-organization of the kind made by the MIL was totally ignored, if not manipulated. To the left "Marxist", the labeled "anarchists" was known meant avoiding a revolutionary Marxist alternative model that went beyond party model and emphasized the initiative of the class, for anarchism, after this experience totally ignore while she was alive, was the opportunity to regain political off-post, once the Franco's brutal repression offered the chance to get one or two new martyrs: Salvador Puig Antich and Oriol SoléSugranyes [16]. Arose and the Invention of the group "Anarchist" called MIL and forgot the position unequivocally sovereign communist members of the ex-MIL made in October 1973 in the Modelo prison in Barcelona, \u200b\u200bwhich ended with the proclamation "or martyrs, or trial , no jails, no wages! Long live communism! ".
But despite not having managed to open a fruitful way to develop the class struggle, the MIL-GAC nevertheless represents one of the most important experiences in the English revolutionary outlook. That is why Telesforo Tajuelo, one of the few historians to study this phenomenon, mostly treated by journalists and one of the few in policy analysis, said that "the MIL has been the most radical of the English labor movement after the war civil. " In any case, it is true that represented one of the few truly revolutionary formations current political landscape. We say "genuinely revolutionary" because the MIL was never "anti-Franco", its purpose was never to overthrow the Franco regime and achieve a more democratic or less advanced, a more or less participatory democracy, but filled with the linking of revolutionary Marxist tradition, to fight directly against the bourgeois state, against capital, for the independence of class through self-organization, end up with paid work and division of classes of society: in short, neither more nor less than self-emancipation of the proletariat. Recognizing that this was his fight and rid it of all the deceptions that have been served to restore the historical truth that shows, first, that the members of MIL were neither "crazy" nor "poor kids", but revolutionary anti-capitalist and on the other, which since its struggle was not only anti-Franco anti-capitalist, the tasks for which they fought are still inconclusive.
[1] Sergi Cordovilla Rosés, author of The MIL: a political history. Alikornio Barcelona, \u200b\u200b2002. Alikornio orders editions - e.mail: alikornio@eresmas.netEsta address is being protected from spam bots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it - web:
www.alikornio.com
[2] Tajuelo, Telesforo. Iberian Liberation Movement, Salvador Puig Antich and the Revolutionary Internationalist Action groups: theory and practice, 1969-1976. Paris: Iberian Turn, 1977.
[3] "TOULOUSE, Carlota. " The turns of turns: Salvador Puig Antich i the MIL. Ramon Pròleg Barnils. Barcelona: Empúries, 1999 (1 st ed. In 1985).
[4] TÉLLEZ SOLÁ, Antonio. The MIL and Puig Antich. Barcelona: Virus, 1994.
[5] The 1000 and one from 1000. Barcelona: Libertarian Ateneus of Barcelona Autonomous Workers Collective S / O Besòs; Gifts Vipera Aspis, 1984.
[6] "Cortade, André." Le 1000: désordonnée histoire du MIL, Barcelone 1967-1974. Paris: Dérive 17, 1985.
[7] The first Workers 'Commissions (CCOO) born during the Asturian miners' strikes of 1962, extending during the 60's the entire labor movement in Spain. After several factional struggles, the PCE get done with his control in the late 60's, becoming its union.
[8] The official communist party in Catalonia, "twinned" with the PCE.
[9] Communist Party of Spain (international) division PSUC Stalinist.
[10] The last years of Franco, contrary to the assertions of certain historical and political speeches were years of a special and lasting political and social repression, with deaths not only in armed confrontations or shootings or jamming, as Puig Antich and shot the FRAP and ETA of 1975 - but also in the course of strikes and demonstrations, as the workers killed in the strikes and Thermal SEAT Besòs in Barcelona, \u200b\u200bthe El Ferrol, Granada, etc. . And in these years will move the labor disputes common to military jurisdiction, tried in courts-martial.
[11] Balazs edited brochures, Barrot, Baynac, Berneri, Canne-Meijer, Ciliga, the Situationist International, Pannekoek, Révolution
internationale ... [12] Bultaco was one of the largest motorcycle factory in Spain.
[13] The name "Movimiento Ibérico de Liberación" is actually an adaptation of the number 1000 ("thousand"), a figure with which it signed the first owner of the group and had no specific meaning, if any, will be many. The addition of "GAC" gave political content to the name of the organization, to appoint two key parameters: autonomy and action.
[14] The analysis and criticism made in 1974 by Barrot regarding the MIL remains one of the most lucid and the first to show how the dissolution "was more a measure of organizational change practice" (Violence révolutionnaire et solidarité: les procès Communist des de Barcelone. Paris: Ed. de l'Oublie, 1974 Castilian edition is made for themselves in May 1937 Editions: Violence and revolutionary solidarity.)
[15] Imprisoned for years in harsh conditions in maximum security prisons, Rouillan has continued to fight for their rights, making several hunger strikes. In December 2000 to January 2001 he got his transfer of the maximum security prison in Lannemezan to that of Arles, his experiences of prison life has been reflected in the Je hais les matins (Paris: Denoël, 2001), where also recalls moments of his experience in the MIL.
[16] Salvador Puig Antich was arrested and wounded in a shootout with police in September 1973, sentenced to death for killing a policeman in the arrest and killed legally by the garrote in March 1974. Oriol Solé Sugranyes was arrested ten days before Puig Antich, after a botched robbery and was sentenced to 48 years in prison in 1974, escaped from prison in April 1976 in the famous "escape from Segovia" prepared by ETA (pm) , was killed the next day by the Guardia Civil in the mountains of Navarre, near the border.
Link to the web on the MIL-GAC:
http://www.mil-gac.info/
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